“Long live freedom, damn it!” Javier Milei uttered these words immediately after the results of the presidential election were announced. He won more than 55% of the vote, defeating Sergio Massé, the left-wing Minister of Economy, who conceded defeat that same evening. Buenos Aires took to the streets. People danced, shouted and celebrated in the squares. And with good reason. At that point, inflation was out of control and stood at over 200%.
For decades, the country had been mired in marasmus and recurring crises. Amidst this chaos, Javier Milei offered things that no one had dared to say so loudly before. The problem is not the new crises. The problem lies with the state. Milei diagnosed the disease and sought a radical cure. He symbolically waved a chainsaw and hinted at merciless cuts. Reduce the state to a minimum. Cut government spending. Liquidate the central bank. And replace the peso with the American dollar, which would probably be the most controversial measure.
Javier Milei may be a revolutionary, but above all he is an economist. For more than 15 years, he taught microeconomics, macroeconomics, monetary theory, finance and even mathematics at universities. He has published more than 50 scientific articles, written several books and worked as an economist at London-based HSBC, one of the world’s largest banks. Over time, he was invited to appear in the media. First as an expert. Then as a phenomenon. On television, he spoke about the economy without mercy and without beating around the bush. He explained, accused, hammered home his points. For this, the Argentinians loved him. His popularity grew very quickly.
He became a threat to the Peronist elite. They called him “crazy,” “fascist,” and even “the new Hitler.” When he announced his participation in the presidential elections, he was offered a bribe of $300,000 to leave politics. He refused.
When Javier Milei took office, the country was already on the brink of collapse. In just one month, December, inflation reached almost 30%, and every second child lived in poverty. The scale of the crisis was so absurd that the monthly rent for an apartment was cheaper than a pair of shoes due to years of government interference in housing policy. Milei knew very well that he had no time to lose. He did not wait the proverbial 100 days. He did not wait a month. He acted immediately, and the first results of his decisions were already evident after ten days of his presidency. That was when a “decree of necessity and urgency” was announced, i.e. a powerful reform package comprising a total of 366 changes contained in a single document. Doesn’t that remind you of Trump?

This list included decisions of great significance: the devaluation of the peso by 54%, the reduction of the number of ministries from 18 to 8, and the dismissal of more than 40,000 public sector employees. The government has frozen hundreds of infrastructure projects and abolished subsidies for electricity, transport and public services. Although not all the results of these changes are immediately apparent, the most important effects have become noticeable. Above all, the fact that the country has achieved a budget surplus for the first time in a decade and inflation has fallen from 211% to 118%. The poverty rate has also fallen. UNICEF reports that since the president took office, nearly 2 million children have been lifted out of poverty. This is particularly important because, despite cutting health, education and science spending, Milei has maintained important social programmes, even though she has changed the rules.
Unfortunately, there are also changes that are worrying, precisely because of Trump, who recently interfered in the midterm elections in Argentina, which could decide Milei’s future success: he ordered Finance Minister Scott Bessent to start buying Argentine pesos in order to maintain their value on the markets. He then proposed a so-called swap line, an agreement that guarantees Argentina currency liquidity worth around $40 billion. In practice, this meant stabilising the peso at the most critical moment. Interestingly, this decision even drew criticism from Donald Trump’s camp. From a purely economic point of view, it was difficult to justify. Argentina’s economy is not closely linked to the US economy. In addition, Javier Milei abolished export tariffs in return, which led to massive purchases of Argentine soybeans by China. This was at the expense of US farmers, and this move directly affected US interests.
So why did Trump decide to take this step? For two reasons. The first is an ideal argument that sells very well in the media. Javier Milei openly advocates economic freedom, limiting the role of the state and the free market. All these values are close to Donald Trump’s heart. In South America, which has shifted almost entirely to the left in recent years, with Brazil, Chile and Colombia being governed by left-wing parties, Milei’s Argentina is becoming a political exception. It is the last bastion of the right and the free market in the region. But there is also a second aspect, much less romantic but much more realistic. Milei’s support is an investment in the future influence of the United States in South America and provides access to resources. Argentina has a vast territory, natural wealth and mining potential. It is as always in Washington’s politics: creating dependency through debt that can be repaid in the future, for example through concessions for US companies in the form of mining concessions, research permits, investment and capital expansion.
Trump threatened to withdraw his support if Milei performed poorly in the midterm elections. But despite radical cuts in government spending and reforms affecting millions of Argentinians, Milei’s party – La Libertad Avanza – received a whopping 41% of the vote. It wasn’t just a number. It was a signal: despite the costs, society still believes in his vision. Before the vote, Milei’s party had only seven seats in the Senate. After the election, that number nearly doubled to 13. From a legislative standpoint, this meant one thing: the real ability to continue reforms.
Argentina went bankrupt nine times. Nine times, the state was unable to repay its debts. Each time, the story began in the same way. Good intentions, generous policies, government spending and money. And it always ended in inflation, capital flight and poverty. Javier Milei’s victory did not come out of nowhere. It was a natural reaction to the cancer that has been plaguing Argentina for decades. That cancer was hyperinflation, political lies, empty cash machines, closed factories and a currency that no one wanted. However, Argentina’s history teaches us something very important. Crises do not come out of nowhere. They are the result of decisions that seem practical in the short term but prove disastrous in the long run. Inflation does not start with a printing press at the central bank. It starts with political approval to live beyond one’s means.